By Dr Shahswar K
A nation is either free and sovereign or conquered and subjugated. It
cannot be free and subjugated at the same time. Draconian punishments,
savage repression and barbaric human rights abuse are the distinctive
hallmarks of all colonial political structures. But all subjugators are
not the same and they do not apply the same degree of cruelty against
the nations under their domination. The degree of viciousness does not,
however, alter the essential nature of illegal occupation. It does not
act as a substitute for the legitimate, democratic rights of the
colonised nations. The freedom and restoration of democratic rights of a
conquered people cannot be determined by the conquerors nor by their
mighty political, military and economic power. The freedom and
sovereignty of subjugated nations will only be determined by the
informed and free will of the people of the subjugated nations.
Accepting any other precept short of this pivotal conviction will be
tantamount to foregoing one’s most basic democratic rights. It would
tantamount to the approval of a colonial system.
Pakistan and Iran are arbitrary territories that were cooked up by
the Punjabi and Persian establishment to justify their domination over
the nations that they have illegally occupied. Proponents of these
countries tend to gloss over this undeniable fact and present their
political construction as a self-evident truth. Irrespective of the
glistening terms they may use to describe these structures, they would
never be able to overcome the colonial nature of these states. The
cumulative effects of a system that is built on colonialism will
inevitably constitute conquest, pillage, persistent poverty, highly
polarized civil conflicts and patronage politics. Over the course of the
time of their domination the entrenched colonial interest groups will
trigger new tension and incite a persistent, escalating cycle of
violence. The occupying forces aim to break down the spirit of freedom
and social solidarity of the people of the subjugated nations and make
them subordinate in every respect to the colonial power.
There is only one way to escape from this costly and
counter-productive situation. The only solution is the path of
democracy. The most important foundation of a democratic government is
freedom. That is the ability of the people of a nation to rule
themselves by a representative, elected government. A colonial political
system in all its forms and shapes is absolutely and categorically
incompatible with freedom and democracy. This system always and
everywhere will protect the privileges of the colonial class. Thus, no
plea for clemency from the colonial authorities will restore one’s
inherent democratic rights. Those who do not see their rights beyond the
boundary of the colonial agenda will lead their people into a political
dead end. Creating and maintaining an effective, free and sovereign
political government that is rule bound, stable, democratic, peaceful,
prosperous, inclusive, and accountable is simply not achievable under
colonial domination. Escaping from colonialism acted as precursor for
all modern democratic nations. Waves of decolonization and a massive
upsurge in the popularity of liberation movements after the Second World
War is the result of this trend.
None of the political structures that are imposed by occupying states
can ever be democratic and serves the interests of the Baloch nation.
Subordination to the decisions made on behalf of the territorial
integrity of Pakistan and Iran only means uninterrupted tyranny and
bloodshed. In whatever forms they re-emerge the outcome for the Baloch
people would be the same. Repression and subordination will inevitably
result from the continued occupation of Pakistan and Iran. Without
giving serious thought to this elementary fact the full rights of Baloch
people will not be restored. In this sad truth lies the essence of the
Balochistan liberation charter. The Baloch nation demands no less or
more rights than any other free nation. Equal rights for equal nations
are what they ask for .No outsider has the sole legitimate authority to
deprive the Baloch nation from this inalienable right. Only and only the
Baloch people in their homeland, Balochistan, are entitled to the right
to decide and determine their affairs and future.
It is a self-contained reality that Balochistan has been conquered in
the most violent way. The essence of the Balochistan liberation charter
is to illuminate this very simple truth. The division of Balochistan in
three parts was not an act of reciprocal altruism. Neither was it the
work of the Baloch themselves. It was an act of British Imperial policy
to serve her imperial ambitions and interests. The British Empire was
the largest and most powerful empire in modern human history. This
momentous political construction was built on one underlying, central
principle. This was the principle of colonialism. Nowadays there are not
many who cast doubt on the tenability of this judgment. No matter how
large and powerful or small and dysfunctional an imperial power may be
the building block of all these political entities are essentially the
same. Colonialism as a political concept lies at the heart of all
Empires. The invasion of Balochistan by Persian and Punjabi armies was
exactly the same act in nature as the previous British invasion. All
these foreign powers invaded Balochistan by force and sustained their
presence through continual reliance on force. The people of Balochistan
have shown their opposition to these colonial powers from the very
moment of the invasion of their homeland. Their struggle for regaining
their independence began then and it has never ceased. The essence of
the Balochistan liberation charter is an expression of this simple
obvious truth. It is about the realization of inconceivable sufferings
that they have endured during the period of occupation. Their demand to
be free is inextricably linked with breaking free from present colonial
powers.
The essence of the Baloch liberation charter is about recognising the
agonizing fact that if the people of Balochistan do not regain their
freedom and independence, they will meet an even graver prospect than
that of the Native Americans and Australian Aborigines. Nobody came to
save these peoples and no one will come to rescue the Baloch. Only
people who live in Balochistan can bring self-determination. So the
centrepiece of the Balochistan liberation charter is self-reliance.
Living under colonial control is degrading and socially incapacitating.
Expecting salvation from the colonial establishments is ill-founded.
Submission, be it out fear or ignorance, in this respect contain the
seeds of self-destruction. The ruling colonisers would only conspire
against Baloch people and prosper at expense of their misery. Once
Baloch believe in their own abilities and rights then they can and will
get rid of the colonial bandits from their homeland. It is then that
they can establish a modern, democratic and workable political system
according to their own values, codes, culture, state of development and
environment.
A liberation charter is an essential requirement of any subjugated
nation. Without a lucid and progressive roadmap that can act as guardian
of public interest – the liberation movements will probably fail. One
note of caution that we need to remind ourselves here is that having a
charter by itself, although is a necessary requirement, is not in itself
sufficient for a successful liberation movement. Without a charter the
liberation movement would clearly be in a much weaker position. At the
heart of our movement must be the respect and commitment to democratic
principles. No tiny group should control and lead our liberation
movement. Our movement is one that embraces all of the Baloch nation and
strives to win independence and freedom.
The call for a liberation charter became an indispensible necessity
the very day that Balochistan was illegally occupied by the British
imperial army in 1839. If Baloch people had the knowledge, the resources
and capability of formulating a workable democratic political contract
at the time then their liberation struggle would not have taken so long.
A liberation charter cannot achieve its objectives unless it ascends
from grassroots general public. In order to be effective and applicable
it must be conceived, germinated, nurtured and grow within Baloch
liberation movement. Embedded in a document of such nature should be a
deep sense of realization of pain, anguish, humility, hunger, demand,
desire, freedom and well-being of the Baloch people. Hence, as it stems
out of the self-governing aspiration of the public then the Balochistan
liberation charter in its essence is grounded in the very fabric of the
experience of Baloch people under illegal occupation, their demands and
their democratic rights.
An applicable charter adjudicates between conflicting claims and
deeply held convictions. Hence, it belongs to every person who lives in
Balochistan. It decodes the general rights and responsibilities of every
one of us towards our people and homeland. In this way the charter
would clearly draw a clear demarcation line between the present imposed
political system and the political system that the Baloch wish to adopt
after their independence. But the restoration of a free Balochistan is
not a derivation of a progression of random chance. The determining
prerequisite for such a mission to succeed is a clear and candid
democratic vision. Freedom will prove untenable without this vision if
not articulated in a form of a charter prior to the event of liberation.
There is a necessary connection between termination of the colonial
tyranny that values the rights of a few and a free Balochistan that
respects the equal rights of every citizen under the law. This aim is
not achievable without a thoughtful and workable enlightened roadmap.
It is among the cardinal rights of the Baloch nation to demand a
clear liberation manifesto from their conscious political leadership. It
should be a plan that would explicitly explain the objectives of the
liberation in a transparent and accessible manner. That means making
political leadership accountable for their plans, objectives and actions
before and after the liberation. Wishful thinking without a national
plan before and after the illegal occupation will not automatically
bring national independence, democracy, justice and prosperity. It is
the yearning of every person to break free from the yoke of subjugation
but unless such desires, dreams and wishes are articulated in clear and
workable manner they will never materialize.
Baloch people have always resisted colonial repression. But their
resistance has neither been consistent nor with clear objectives. Both
these shortcomings have immensely undermined the effectiveness of our
freedom struggle and our eventual victory even though most political
leadership and our masses have been genuine and upright about their
intention. Many of them have tried their best with the given resources,
conditions, and environment. Nonetheless, they have lacked a clear
national liberation vision. If they did, the state of affairs would not
be the same in Balochistan now. Without a well-defined charter that
specifies our political ideals, our demands and actions the freedom
movement then would sooner or later be channelled into a personality
cult or a strict ideological doctrine. The rights and emancipation of a
nation would be substituted with celebrity worships. There is an
irreparable danger in forsaking the salvation of a nation in one person.
The ground upon which a mass freedom movement flourish and bear fruits
requires masses of voluntary grass-roots participation in the movement
and the process of decision making. The long-term democratic rights of
Baloch nation cannot be granted solely by any evangelistic individual or
political party. For the movement to succeed it requires a well-defined
social, legal, political, and economic contract.
Our national liberation movement has currently reached its most
critical historical junction. Baloch masses are ready to liberate
themselves while the colonial powers are inhaling their last toxic
breath. Our movement has benefitted from a wealth of knowledge and
experience from other liberation movements. At our disposal are
unprecedented advances in information technology, communication and
global media. For the first time in human history there are more
democratic states and nations in the world than the dictatorial and
totalitarian regimes. The political tide is at its highest level against
the autocratic states and is also accelerating with astonishing speed.
People will rise up for their legal rights repeatedly until they
acquire their rights. When time is ready they express their long-lasting
desire for being free and the charter is the very contract to protect
the fruit of people’s struggle for freedom. The charter will stand
between any party, individual or external force and the Baloch nation
and will protect the interest and well-being of the latter against the
potential manipulation from the former. To dismiss the charter as
somewhat irrelevant intellectual pastime is indefensible.
Beneath the concealed modern colonial veil lies the commercial and
militaristic era of European conquest that began in the fifteenth
century with the misadventure of Christopher Columbus. Colonial
geopolitical constructions of Iran and Pakistan are among the last
bastion of this era. The height of this era was the British Empire. The
Second World War terminated this era. Waves after waves of
decolonisation have dominated the post-war period. The last ripples of
which are the ones that we are experiencing now in Balochistan and in
some other stateless nations. Iran and Pakistan were forged by this
deep-rooted prejudicial mindset. Their formation was conducted by brute
force. Extreme violence and exploitation against the subjugated nations
have fuelled and endured their survival up to the present day. Their
continued existence depends on widespread imprisonment, torture, murder,
military aggression and religious fundamentalism.
It must be pointed out, however, that all destructive and lethal
means of control at their disposal have lost their effectiveness. Human
rights abuse is no longer as easy to conceal as it used to be. Empty
ideological rhetoric and religious bigotry are not drawing as much
attention as they used to. The spread of information technology and the
wide support for democratic and human rights are dragging these
artificial states step by step toward their extinction. There are only
two options left for these counterfeit states. The first one is the
continuation of the same bloodshed, deception and exploitation. In all
probability, these artificial states will follow the same policy to
their very dying day. This policy will merely intensify the resentment
and rage of the people of subjugated nations towards the state and
establishment of the dominant nations.
The second option at their disposal is the one when they try to
pretend that they comply and respect universal democratic and human
rights to counterbalance the demand of international community. In
practice this would mean recognising the political, economic, legal,
social and cultural rights of the subjugated nations. As matter of fact
these artificial states have always exploited these venues and have
found that they are incapable to adhere and comply with such demands.
The difficulty behind this paradox can be attributable to the naivety of
the argument and mistaken belief that these political systems are
compatible to true democracy.
The outcome of dabbing into this realm has always resulted in greater
blunder than solving the problem. Any entertainment of the thought of
implementation of human and democratic rights within this geopolitical
construction is either out of wishful thinking or out of conniving
manipulation. These geopolitical constructions are completely alien to
the very ethos of democratic rights and values. From the very date of
creation of these countries the expectations of many are rebutted by the
facts over and over again. This view is entirely mistaken. There is no
moral, legal, logical, cultural, political, economic, historic and
linguistic foundation for the boundary that they have forged by force.
In virtue of the colonial tag that they wear the DNA of these
geopolitical structures are undemocratic. Expecting democracy, human
rights, justice and rationalism from these political structures can only
be due to severe disposition of gullibility at best or cunning strategy
at its worst.
Now and increasingly in the future these states will find it harder
and harder to hide their real intention under such pretentious cards. In
case they genuinely and of course naively start to respect the
democratic rights of the nation under their occupation there would be no
incentive and motivation for the subjugated nation to remain under
their subjugation even if the new form of subjugation is slightly a
milder and more in tune with the global trend. There would be no
economic, political, legal, cultural, moral, linguistic and
strategically mutually beneficial justification whatsoever for the
subjugated nations to remain a secondary junior partner when they can be
much better off without it. Under this scenario the most basic question
for the vast majority of Baloch remain unanswered, on what ground the
Baloch should still remain dominated and control by Persian and Punjabi
establish? Why not all divided parts of the Baloch nation get reunited
and work together in pursuit of freedom and well-being of their own
nation. Being presented with this democratic peaceful option no
informed, responsible Baloch democrat would opt for subjugation and
second citizenship. They would surely select the road to freedom,
dignity and economic prosperity instead.
The most potent constituent of Balochistan liberation charter is the
unquestionable right of Baloch nation to be free and determine its own
future. The day will arrive when these colonial geopolitical structures
will be rejected by all decent and fair-minded people who have been
imprisoned by these fake boundaries. We know that these states are
merely contingent political structures. They were formed under certain
historical conditions. They are neither necessary nor eternal.
Realizing this prospect will put a certain responsibility on the
shoulders of all informed, conscientious and responsible sections of
Baloch society. The transitory present state of affairs cannot be open
to doubt. Here it must suffice to say that waiting unprepared for the
day of liberation to arrive is bound to be damaging even if it is done
in good faith. A capricious event that leads to the breaking up of
present boundaries, which is a real possibility, and good faith do not
resolve the chronic problems of Balochistan after its liberation.
Waiting for a miracle is not a viable option. It is important to be
clear on this point. Objection can be taken to this conclusion on the
ground that no nation has become liberated, democratic and prosperous
merely by inaction. It has never happened in the history for a nation to
wait for a change to take place and then things went according to their
desires and wishes. All cases left to wishful thinking have turned to
catastrophic nightmares. Both Pakistan and Iran are clear examples of
this common delusion. When the date of liberation comes and the nation
is not prepared and has no democratic roadmap any political party or
religious group or paramilitary organisation that happen to be dominant
at that point in time may dictate the term and conditions over the
nation. The indispensability of an open and workable charter for a free
and democratic Balochistan is incalculable.
Taking shelter under the omnibus fate at this crucial time in history
of Balochistan will not serve the Baloch people. Indeed, we would not
act responsibly if we wait for the events to unravel and dictate their
terms to us. The adherents of this route will knowingly or unknowingly
lead the Baloch nation to another dark valley of intolerance, death and
destruction. If we are true to freedom and well-being of our people and
regard these as our paramount obligations then we must present them with
a political manifesto with well-defined objectives as soon as we can.
These requirements do not find their correct positions simultaneously
and automatically. The charter is specifically designed to not leaving
the future of the Baloch nation to chance. Being caught by crises
unexpectedly is liable to prompt actions. Crises as and when they occur
without any strategic plan will be harder to manage than when there are
in place well thought out plans for such contingencies. A pre-prepared
charter removes this detrimental drawback. It defines the fundamental
rights and responsibilities of all stake holders in Balochistan before
the event of liberation.
Our charter does not belong to any individual or a specific group. In
order to meet the needs of our time we need a charter. The charter
marks the end of a period in our history under colonialism. Balochistan
and the Baloch nation are not transitory entities as we are told by our
occupiers. Baloch political leaders, intellectuals, various ideologies
and religions have come and gone. In the future they will also come and
go but Balochistan and the Baloch nation will still be there.
For an imaginative and noble charter to acquire the seal of approval
by this or that stake holder should be a secondary matter. Charter
stands above and beyond the interests of this individual or that group,
although it contains the legal and political rights of everyone. When
people of Balochistan will find out that their true interests,
well-being and salvation accords to the essence of the charter they will
discover its necessity. The charter itself then acts as a determining
stimulant for further democratic debates and the search for better
future. It may not be an instant success, as it is often the case with
such profound change of direction. In time they will see the
indispensability of the charter to our future freedom and well-being.
They will know that we have no better option than a humane, democratic
and practical contract as is expressed in this charter.
The charter is not a novel idea in Balochistan. Our people have
always had certain social, moral and legal values and codes of conduct
which have been passed orally from one generation to another generation.
These codes and values are known as our “Rah-o Rah-band.” These are
legal, moral, social and cultural codes and values. They represent
defined rules and responsibilities for each member of society to follow.
In a natural course of development, these codes and values, most
probably could have developed into a Baloch constitution. The illegal
occupation has derailed this process and in order to take our
destination to its natural route creation of charter becomes a vital
necessity for our survival.
Transition of a devastated and broken society such as Balochistan
into a developed and viable democratic society is possible. This aim is
achievable only and only when people of Balochistan know their interests
and well-being are well-defined and are clearly documented in a
transparent and reasonable manner before the event of liberation. This
aim, however, cannot be achieved without a clear and workable charter
that is democratic and is in line with contemporary human rights and
progressive ideas and norms. That is why a manifesto of a political
party is not a substitute for a national charter. A political party even
in a multiparty democratic political system will always pursue the
interest of certain section of its society. It cannot by definition
represent the interests of all. If it claims that it does that would be
only applicable in a totalitarian political system. In these states the
only political party allowed will impose its doctrines by means of
military force only to serves the interest of a small section of
society. The Balochistan liberation charter is necessity since it
protects the rights of every individual in Balochistan before and after
liberation.
A clear and democratic charter is a necessity since it is the only
source of true and effective unity. We do not need to go too far to
understand the necessity of a democratic charter. The idea of Pakistan
assembled the most backward, opportunistic and undemocratic sections of
Indian Muslims under one stage. M.A. Jinnah and his religious party,
Muslim league took advantage of this spurious and muddled situation and
forged the artificial state of Pakistan. This frenzied unity on a
senseless entity has led to one of the worst human calamity ever in the
region. Baloch had no part in this religious fever but were caught in
its flame. Ever since, they have suffered to a degree that is
unprecedented in their entire history. Barbaric course of actions of
this politico-religious experiment are not over yet. More of the same
senseless religious zeal, death and destruction are still on the way out
of this flawed unity.
Another example of a baseless unity was the curse of Khomeini that
engulfed Iran in 1978-79. Again as in the case of creation of Pakistan,
it had nothing to do with the Baloch nation. The vast majority of Shia
within Iran came to support Khomeini. He was merely a fundamentalist
shia priest with strong out-dated religious views. Yet, more people were
united around him than during any other mass movement in Iranian
history. Millions of people congregated around his empty slogan of
“Wahdat Kalama”, literally means ‘unity in letter’. Within days of
ascending to power Khomeini imposed his fundamentalist Shia Islam.
Consequently there was a meteoric rise in imprisonment, torture,
hanging, cutting limbs, and rape of political prisoners. Under Khomeini
the people of Baluchistan suffered terrible and systematic human rights
abuse. Therefore, an illusory unity is not a firm base for a true
democratic unity. In the absence of a democratic charter with clear-cut
democratic objectives and mandates we would not be able to achieve a
true unity.
A real and meaningful unity among many competing forces in a nation
will not be formed amidst of confusion but under the orbit of sound
reasoning and deep realization of public duty. Any sweeping
generalization will prove in vain. The decisive steps in construction of
a democratic charter are principles, values, objectives and the demands
that any rational and a fair-minded person find to be reasonable and
achievable. It is then that the charter will serve its purpose and the
national interests.
Incidentally, it is to be noted that no document of this nature will
acclaim universal approval immediately after its publication. This is
not unique to Balochistan Liberation Charter. All freedom and liberation
charters would deal with multi-hostile forces. The dominant colonial
political establishments do their best to reject and discredit it
outright. The states machineries are employed to spread lies and rumours
against it and what it stands for. Many of these attacks will certainly
be coated in pseudo-intellectual colour and religious denunciations.
Against this background some Baloch would be influenced by these
propagandas. There are going to be those who have not yet realized the
necessity of such document, those who find this document a potential
threat to their present and future interests and those who work for the
occupying states and their military agencies. These individuals and
social groups are bound to demean the charter.
There is only one option left to Baloch sovereignty. That is to break
free from current perilous and disastrous confinement. The necessity of
the Charter is not just imperative as the vehicle of liberation
struggle but also will be of great importance after escaping from the
present captivity. To pass from the ruins of years of colonial
occupation to an open, tolerant, democratic, humane and prosperous
nation is not an ad hoc process. In the absence of a common democratic
direction we might descend into a new disorder. It is the recognition of
this necessity that distinguishes the farsighted from short-sighted
Baloch political leaders. On this matter we need to find a definite way
forward.
The charter is a succinct summary of our inherent rights, the process
and direction of our emancipation. It prevents us from sliding into the
mercy of circumstances once again. The charter acknowledges and fosters
our capability in establishing a free and thriving Balochistan. When
the general public discovers that the charter is our only viable
sanctuary and grasps its true necessity and meaning they will form the
sinew of the entire fabric of this epoch-making transition. In this
realization lies the true source of real unity. The charter will open a
vista for the general masses to be informed about their democratic
rights and responsibilities. Instead of being side-lined as passive
spectators, it brings the masses to the centre stage of the struggle.
Our true victory is only possible when the Baloch masses act as the
engine and guarantor of our liberation movement.
A necessary and sufficient condition for an organic liberation
movement is when the masses are conscious of their democratic rights and
are free to articulate and protect these rights. It is at this stage of
our liberation struggle that the impossible becomes possible. The
publication of the charter is only the first stage of a conscious move
towards our freedom. The charter is neither for the present nor for the
future Baloch political leaders. It is for the entire Baloch nation and
Baloch homeland. The outstanding fact is that after these initial
reactions as Baloch people will have direct access to charter they will
read it in a cool and calm manner and then they will see it in a
different light. They will become more receptive. As Baloch masses
discover that their rights are secured in the charter steadily an
underlying current will be formed. The snow-ball momentum will continue
and will reach a size that no colonial regime will be able to defeat. In
the first instance the more genuine and informed Baloch political
parties; intellectuals, personalities will take the initiative and come
to the assistance of the charter. For the charter to develop smoothly
their contributions is of paramount importance. In the next stage the
charter will become the centre of gravity for the Baloch campaign
against colonialism. At this stage it will be instrumental in
accelerating the end of illegal occupation of our homeland. Not long
after we will witness a united and viable resistance force that will
carry our liberation movement to its final victory.
The chief prerequisite for the charter to remain effective, however,
is to create an environment conducive for open debate and discussion.
Inviting constructive criticism is a necessary part of moving the
charter forward. Looking at the charter with a critical eye will remove
its ambiguities. It is the public duty of each of us to step out of the
ambit of individual interest and think of our collective national
interests. The two may or may not always be compatible. We can with
complete conviction say that there is no one else except the Baloch
themselves who can get their rights and restore their well-beings. None
of developed modern democratic nations are a product of outsiders.
Peoples of these nations have worked tirelessly and brought their
nations where they are. We must likewise rely on ourselves to succeed.
It is the recognition of this necessity, stepping outside the
circumference of private vested interest and acting in the public
interest, which comprises a significant segment of the cornerstone of
our humanity. This postulate is compatible with the edict that we are
all equal in our shared humanity. That is to say we are equally capable
of breaking the chain of colonial subjugation and exploitation. We are
equally entitled and able to create a free democratic and prosperous
homeland where we can live with dignity and in peace. Realising these
necessities will put our public duties at the top of our priorities. At
this critical point in our history our national responsibilities should
override our private interests. Our people and political leaders have
proved time and time again that at the most crucial time in our history
they stand united for our rights. At this time we have to move a step
forward. A genuine and long-lasting unity is the need of our time and it
is only possible if we unite on a democratic national contract. Our
victory is ultimately pending on such a unity. To this end we are
confident that our people and responsible political leaders will come
sooner or later to the same realization. Subsequently, by common consent
they will adopt the charter and move forward to achieve its objectives.
Dr Shahswar K is a Baloch political and Human Rights activist, and
the co-ordinator of International Voice for Baloch Missing Persons in
United Kingdom. He is a Senior Lecturer in Economics at London
Metropolitan University, United Kingdom. He is the author of “Money and
its Origins”
