The Essence and Necessity of Balochistan Liberation Charter

By Dr Shahswar K
A nation is either free and sovereign or conquered and subjugated. It cannot be free and subjugated at the same time. Draconian punishments, savage repression and barbaric human rights abuse are the distinctive hallmarks of all colonial political structures. But all subjugators are not the same and they do not apply the same degree of cruelty against the nations under their domination. The degree of viciousness does not, however, alter the essential nature of illegal occupation. It does not act as a substitute for the legitimate, democratic rights of the colonised nations. The freedom and restoration of democratic rights of a conquered people cannot be determined by the conquerors nor by their mighty political, military and economic power. The freedom and sovereignty of subjugated nations will only be determined by the informed and free will of the people of the subjugated nations. Accepting any other precept short of this pivotal conviction will be tantamount to foregoing one’s most basic democratic rights. It would tantamount to the approval of a colonial system.
Pakistan and Iran are arbitrary territories that were cooked up by the Punjabi and Persian establishment to justify their domination over the nations that they have illegally occupied. Proponents of these countries tend to gloss over this undeniable fact and present their political construction as a self-evident truth. Irrespective of the glistening terms they may use to describe these structures, they would never be able to overcome the colonial nature of these states. The cumulative effects of a system that is built on colonialism will inevitably constitute conquest, pillage, persistent poverty, highly polarized civil conflicts and patronage politics. Over the course of the time of their domination the entrenched colonial interest groups will trigger new tension and incite a persistent, escalating cycle of violence. The occupying forces aim to break down the spirit of freedom and social solidarity of the people of the subjugated nations and make them subordinate in every respect to the colonial power.
There is only one way to escape from this costly and counter-productive situation. The only solution is the path of democracy. The most important foundation of a democratic government is freedom. That is the ability of the people of a nation to rule themselves by a representative, elected government. A colonial political system in all its forms and shapes is absolutely and categorically incompatible with freedom and democracy. This system always and everywhere will protect the privileges of the colonial class. Thus, no plea for clemency from the colonial authorities will restore one’s inherent democratic rights. Those who do not see their rights beyond the boundary of the colonial agenda will lead their people into a political dead end. Creating and maintaining an effective, free and sovereign political government that is rule bound, stable, democratic, peaceful, prosperous, inclusive, and accountable is simply not achievable under colonial domination. Escaping from colonialism acted as precursor for all modern democratic nations. Waves of decolonization and a massive upsurge in the popularity of liberation movements after the Second World War is the result of this trend.
None of the political structures that are imposed by occupying states can ever be democratic and serves the interests of the Baloch nation. Subordination to the decisions made on behalf of the territorial integrity of Pakistan and Iran only means uninterrupted tyranny and bloodshed. In whatever forms they re-emerge the outcome for the Baloch people would be the same. Repression and subordination will inevitably result from the continued occupation of Pakistan and Iran. Without giving serious thought to this elementary fact the full rights of Baloch people will not be restored. In this sad truth lies the essence of the Balochistan liberation charter. The Baloch nation demands no less or more rights than any other free nation. Equal rights for equal nations are what they ask for .No outsider has the sole legitimate authority to deprive the Baloch nation from this inalienable right. Only and only the Baloch people in their homeland, Balochistan, are entitled to the right to decide and determine their affairs and future.
It is a self-contained reality that Balochistan has been conquered in the most violent way. The essence of the Balochistan liberation charter is to illuminate this very simple truth. The division of Balochistan in three parts was not an act of reciprocal altruism. Neither was it the work of the Baloch themselves. It was an act of British Imperial policy to serve her imperial ambitions and interests. The British Empire was the largest and most powerful empire in modern human history. This momentous political construction was built on one underlying, central principle. This was the principle of colonialism. Nowadays there are not many who cast doubt on the tenability of this judgment. No matter how large and powerful or small and dysfunctional an imperial power may be the building block of all these political entities are essentially the same. Colonialism as a political concept lies at the heart of all Empires. The invasion of Balochistan by Persian and Punjabi armies was exactly the same act in nature as the previous British invasion. All these foreign powers invaded Balochistan by force and sustained their presence through continual reliance on force. The people of Balochistan have shown their opposition to these colonial powers from the very moment of the invasion of their homeland. Their struggle for regaining their independence began then and it has never ceased. The essence of the Balochistan liberation charter is an expression of this simple obvious truth. It is about the realization of inconceivable sufferings that they have endured during the period of occupation. Their demand to be free is inextricably linked with breaking free from present colonial powers.
The essence of the Baloch liberation charter is about recognising the agonizing fact that if the people of Balochistan do not regain their freedom and independence, they will meet an even graver prospect than that of the Native Americans and Australian Aborigines. Nobody came to save these peoples and no one will come to rescue the Baloch. Only people who live in Balochistan can bring self-determination. So the centrepiece of the Balochistan liberation charter is self-reliance. Living under colonial control is degrading and socially incapacitating. Expecting salvation from the colonial establishments is ill-founded. Submission, be it out fear or ignorance, in this respect contain the seeds of self-destruction. The ruling colonisers would only conspire against Baloch people and prosper at expense of their misery. Once Baloch believe in their own abilities and rights then they can and will get rid of the colonial bandits from their homeland. It is then that they can establish a modern, democratic and workable political system according to their own values, codes, culture, state of development and environment.
A liberation charter is an essential requirement of any subjugated nation. Without a lucid and progressive roadmap that can act as guardian of public interest – the liberation movements will probably fail. One note of caution that we need to remind ourselves here is that having a charter by itself, although is a necessary requirement, is not in itself sufficient for a successful liberation movement. Without a charter the liberation movement would clearly be in a much weaker position. At the heart of our movement must be the respect and commitment to democratic principles. No tiny group should control and lead our liberation movement. Our movement is one that embraces all of the Baloch nation and strives to win independence and freedom.
The call for a liberation charter became an indispensible necessity the very day that Balochistan was illegally occupied by the British imperial army in 1839. If Baloch people had the knowledge, the resources and capability of formulating a workable democratic political contract at the time then their liberation struggle would not have taken so long. A liberation charter cannot achieve its objectives unless it ascends from grassroots general public. In order to be effective and applicable it must be conceived, germinated, nurtured and grow within Baloch liberation movement. Embedded in a document of such nature should be a deep sense of realization of pain, anguish, humility, hunger, demand, desire, freedom and well-being of the Baloch people. Hence, as it stems out of the self-governing aspiration of the public then the Balochistan liberation charter in its essence is grounded in the very fabric of the experience of Baloch people under illegal occupation, their demands and their democratic rights.
An applicable charter adjudicates between conflicting claims and deeply held convictions. Hence, it belongs to every person who lives in Balochistan. It decodes the general rights and responsibilities of every one of us towards our people and homeland. In this way the charter would clearly draw a clear demarcation line between the present imposed political system and the political system that the Baloch wish to adopt after their independence. But the restoration of a free Balochistan is not a derivation of a progression of random chance. The determining prerequisite for such a mission to succeed is a clear and candid democratic vision. Freedom will prove untenable without this vision if not articulated in a form of a charter prior to the event of liberation. There is a necessary connection between termination of the colonial tyranny that values the rights of a few and a free Balochistan that respects the equal rights of every citizen under the law. This aim is not achievable without a thoughtful and workable enlightened roadmap.
It is among the cardinal rights of the Baloch nation to demand a clear liberation manifesto from their conscious political leadership. It should be a plan that would explicitly explain the objectives of the liberation in a transparent and accessible manner. That means making political leadership accountable for their plans, objectives and actions before and after the liberation. Wishful thinking without a national plan before and after the illegal occupation will not automatically bring national independence, democracy, justice and prosperity. It is the yearning of every person to break free from the yoke of subjugation but unless such desires, dreams and wishes are articulated in clear and workable manner they will never materialize.
Baloch people have always resisted colonial repression. But their resistance has neither been consistent nor with clear objectives. Both these shortcomings have immensely undermined the effectiveness of our freedom struggle and our eventual victory even though most political leadership and our masses have been genuine and upright about their intention. Many of them have tried their best with the given resources, conditions, and environment. Nonetheless, they have lacked a clear national liberation vision. If they did, the state of affairs would not be the same in Balochistan now. Without a well-defined charter that specifies our political ideals, our demands and actions the freedom movement then would sooner or later be channelled into a personality cult or a strict ideological doctrine. The rights and emancipation of a nation would be substituted with celebrity worships. There is an irreparable danger in forsaking the salvation of a nation in one person. The ground upon which a mass freedom movement flourish and bear fruits requires masses of voluntary grass-roots participation in the movement and the process of decision making. The long-term democratic rights of Baloch nation cannot be granted solely by any evangelistic individual or political party. For the movement to succeed it requires a well-defined social, legal, political, and economic contract.
Our national liberation movement has currently reached its most critical historical junction. Baloch masses are ready to liberate themselves while the colonial powers are inhaling their last toxic breath. Our movement has benefitted from a wealth of knowledge and experience from other liberation movements. At our disposal are unprecedented advances in information technology, communication and global media. For the first time in human history there are more democratic states and nations in the world than the dictatorial and totalitarian regimes. The political tide is at its highest level against the autocratic states and is also accelerating with astonishing speed.
People will rise up for their legal rights repeatedly until they acquire their rights. When time is ready they express their long-lasting desire for being free and the charter is the very contract to protect the fruit of people’s struggle for freedom. The charter will stand between any party, individual or external force and the Baloch nation and will protect the interest and well-being of the latter against the potential manipulation from the former. To dismiss the charter as somewhat irrelevant intellectual pastime is indefensible.
Beneath the concealed modern colonial veil lies the commercial and militaristic era of European conquest that began in the fifteenth century with the misadventure of Christopher Columbus. Colonial geopolitical constructions of Iran and Pakistan are among the last bastion of this era. The height of this era was the British Empire. The Second World War terminated this era. Waves after waves of decolonisation have dominated the post-war period. The last ripples of which are the ones that we are experiencing now in Balochistan and in some other stateless nations. Iran and Pakistan were forged by this deep-rooted prejudicial mindset. Their formation was conducted by brute force. Extreme violence and exploitation against the subjugated nations have fuelled and endured their survival up to the present day. Their continued existence depends on widespread imprisonment, torture, murder, military aggression and religious fundamentalism.
It must be pointed out, however, that all destructive and lethal means of control at their disposal have lost their effectiveness. Human rights abuse is no longer as easy to conceal as it used to be. Empty ideological rhetoric and religious bigotry are not drawing as much attention as they used to. The spread of information technology and the wide support for democratic and human rights are dragging these artificial states step by step toward their extinction. There are only two options left for these counterfeit states. The first one is the continuation of the same bloodshed, deception and exploitation. In all probability, these artificial states will follow the same policy to their very dying day. This policy will merely intensify the resentment and rage of the people of subjugated nations towards the state and establishment of the dominant nations.
The second option at their disposal is the one when they try to pretend that they comply and respect universal democratic and human rights to counterbalance the demand of international community. In practice this would mean recognising the political, economic, legal, social and cultural rights of the subjugated nations. As matter of fact these artificial states have always exploited these venues and have found that they are incapable to adhere and comply with such demands. The difficulty behind this paradox can be attributable to the naivety of the argument and mistaken belief that these political systems are compatible to true democracy.
The outcome of dabbing into this realm has always resulted in greater blunder than solving the problem. Any entertainment of the thought of implementation of human and democratic rights within this geopolitical construction is either out of wishful thinking or out of conniving manipulation. These geopolitical constructions are completely alien to the very ethos of democratic rights and values. From the very date of creation of these countries the expectations of many are rebutted by the facts over and over again. This view is entirely mistaken. There is no moral, legal, logical, cultural, political, economic, historic and linguistic foundation for the boundary that they have forged by force. In virtue of the colonial tag that they wear the DNA of these geopolitical structures are undemocratic. Expecting democracy, human rights, justice and rationalism from these political structures can only be due to severe disposition of gullibility at best or cunning strategy at its worst.
Now and increasingly in the future these states will find it harder and harder to hide their real intention under such pretentious cards. In case they genuinely and of course naively start to respect the democratic rights of the nation under their occupation there would be no incentive and motivation for the subjugated nation to remain under their subjugation even if the new form of subjugation is slightly a milder and more in tune with the global trend. There would be no economic, political, legal, cultural, moral, linguistic and strategically mutually beneficial justification whatsoever for the subjugated nations to remain a secondary junior partner when they can be much better off without it. Under this scenario the most basic question for the vast majority of Baloch remain unanswered, on what ground the Baloch should still remain dominated and control by Persian and Punjabi establish? Why not all divided parts of the Baloch nation get reunited and work together in pursuit of freedom and well-being of their own nation. Being presented with this democratic peaceful option no informed, responsible Baloch democrat would opt for subjugation and second citizenship. They would surely select the road to freedom, dignity and economic prosperity instead.
The most potent constituent of Balochistan liberation charter is the unquestionable right of Baloch nation to be free and determine its own future. The day will arrive when these colonial geopolitical structures will be rejected by all decent and fair-minded people who have been imprisoned by these fake boundaries. We know that these states are merely contingent political structures. They were formed under certain historical conditions. They are neither necessary nor eternal.
Realizing this prospect will put a certain responsibility on the shoulders of all informed, conscientious and responsible sections of Baloch society. The transitory present state of affairs cannot be open to doubt. Here it must suffice to say that waiting unprepared for the day of liberation to arrive is bound to be damaging even if it is done in good faith. A capricious event that leads to the breaking up of present boundaries, which is a real possibility, and good faith do not resolve the chronic problems of Balochistan after its liberation. Waiting for a miracle is not a viable option. It is important to be clear on this point. Objection can be taken to this conclusion on the ground that no nation has become liberated, democratic and prosperous merely by inaction. It has never happened in the history for a nation to wait for a change to take place and then things went according to their desires and wishes. All cases left to wishful thinking have turned to catastrophic nightmares. Both Pakistan and Iran are clear examples of this common delusion. When the date of liberation comes and the nation is not prepared and has no democratic roadmap any political party or religious group or paramilitary organisation that happen to be dominant at that point in time may dictate the term and conditions over the nation. The indispensability of an open and workable charter for a free and democratic Balochistan is incalculable.
Taking shelter under the omnibus fate at this crucial time in history of Balochistan will not serve the Baloch people. Indeed, we would not act responsibly if we wait for the events to unravel and dictate their terms to us. The adherents of this route will knowingly or unknowingly lead the Baloch nation to another dark valley of intolerance, death and destruction. If we are true to freedom and well-being of our people and regard these as our paramount obligations then we must present them with a political manifesto with well-defined objectives as soon as we can. These requirements do not find their correct positions simultaneously and automatically. The charter is specifically designed to not leaving the future of the Baloch nation to chance. Being caught by crises unexpectedly is liable to prompt actions. Crises as and when they occur without any strategic plan will be harder to manage than when there are in place well thought out plans for such contingencies. A pre-prepared charter removes this detrimental drawback. It defines the fundamental rights and responsibilities of all stake holders in Balochistan before the event of liberation.
Our charter does not belong to any individual or a specific group. In order to meet the needs of our time we need a charter. The charter marks the end of a period in our history under colonialism. Balochistan and the Baloch nation are not transitory entities as we are told by our occupiers. Baloch political leaders, intellectuals, various ideologies and religions have come and gone. In the future they will also come and go but Balochistan and the Baloch nation will still be there.
For an imaginative and noble charter to acquire the seal of approval by this or that stake holder should be a secondary matter. Charter stands above and beyond the interests of this individual or that group, although it contains the legal and political rights of everyone. When people of Balochistan will find out that their true interests, well-being and salvation accords to the essence of the charter they will discover its necessity. The charter itself then acts as a determining stimulant for further democratic debates and the search for better future. It may not be an instant success, as it is often the case with such profound change of direction. In time they will see the indispensability of the charter to our future freedom and well-being. They will know that we have no better option than a humane, democratic and practical contract as is expressed in this charter.
The charter is not a novel idea in Balochistan. Our people have always had certain social, moral and legal values and codes of conduct which have been passed orally from one generation to another generation. These codes and values are known as our “Rah-o Rah-band.” These are legal, moral, social and cultural codes and values. They represent defined rules and responsibilities for each member of society to follow. In a natural course of development, these codes and values, most probably could have developed into a Baloch constitution. The illegal occupation has derailed this process and in order to take our destination to its natural route creation of charter becomes a vital necessity for our survival.
Transition of a devastated and broken society such as Balochistan into a developed and viable democratic society is possible. This aim is achievable only and only when people of Balochistan know their interests and well-being are well-defined and are clearly documented in a transparent and reasonable manner before the event of liberation. This aim, however, cannot be achieved without a clear and workable charter that is democratic and is in line with contemporary human rights and progressive ideas and norms. That is why a manifesto of a political party is not a substitute for a national charter. A political party even in a multiparty democratic political system will always pursue the interest of certain section of its society. It cannot by definition represent the interests of all. If it claims that it does that would be only applicable in a totalitarian political system. In these states the only political party allowed will impose its doctrines by means of military force only to serves the interest of a small section of society. The Balochistan liberation charter is necessity since it protects the rights of every individual in Balochistan before and after liberation.
A clear and democratic charter is a necessity since it is the only source of true and effective unity. We do not need to go too far to understand the necessity of a democratic charter. The idea of Pakistan assembled the most backward, opportunistic and undemocratic sections of Indian Muslims under one stage. M.A. Jinnah and his religious party, Muslim league took advantage of this spurious and muddled situation and forged the artificial state of Pakistan. This frenzied unity on a senseless entity has led to one of the worst human calamity ever in the region. Baloch had no part in this religious fever but were caught in its flame. Ever since, they have suffered to a degree that is unprecedented in their entire history. Barbaric course of actions of this politico-religious experiment are not over yet. More of the same senseless religious zeal, death and destruction are still on the way out of this flawed unity.
Another example of a baseless unity was the curse of Khomeini that engulfed Iran in 1978-79. Again as in the case of creation of Pakistan, it had nothing to do with the Baloch nation. The vast majority of Shia within Iran came to support Khomeini. He was merely a fundamentalist shia priest with strong out-dated religious views. Yet, more people were united around him than during any other mass movement in Iranian history. Millions of people congregated around his empty slogan of “Wahdat Kalama”, literally means ‘unity in letter’. Within days of ascending to power Khomeini imposed his fundamentalist Shia Islam. Consequently there was a meteoric rise in imprisonment, torture, hanging, cutting limbs, and rape of political prisoners. Under Khomeini the people of Baluchistan suffered terrible and systematic human rights abuse. Therefore, an illusory unity is not a firm base for a true democratic unity. In the absence of a democratic charter with clear-cut democratic objectives and mandates we would not be able to achieve a true unity.
A real and meaningful unity among many competing forces in a nation will not be formed amidst of confusion but under the orbit of sound reasoning and deep realization of public duty. Any sweeping generalization will prove in vain. The decisive steps in construction of a democratic charter are principles, values, objectives and the demands that any rational and a fair-minded person find to be reasonable and achievable. It is then that the charter will serve its purpose and the national interests.
Incidentally, it is to be noted that no document of this nature will acclaim universal approval immediately after its publication. This is not unique to Balochistan Liberation Charter. All freedom and liberation charters would deal with multi-hostile forces. The dominant colonial political establishments do their best to reject and discredit it outright. The states machineries are employed to spread lies and rumours against it and what it stands for. Many of these attacks will certainly be coated in pseudo-intellectual colour and religious denunciations. Against this background some Baloch would be influenced by these propagandas. There are going to be those who have not yet realized the necessity of such document, those who find this document a potential threat to their present and future interests and those who work for the occupying states and their military agencies. These individuals and social groups are bound to demean the charter.
There is only one option left to Baloch sovereignty. That is to break free from current perilous and disastrous confinement. The necessity of the Charter is not just imperative as the vehicle of liberation struggle but also will be of great importance after escaping from the present captivity. To pass from the ruins of years of colonial occupation to an open, tolerant, democratic, humane and prosperous nation is not an ad hoc process. In the absence of a common democratic direction we might descend into a new disorder. It is the recognition of this necessity that distinguishes the farsighted from short-sighted Baloch political leaders. On this matter we need to find a definite way forward.
The charter is a succinct summary of our inherent rights, the process and direction of our emancipation. It prevents us from sliding into the mercy of circumstances once again. The charter acknowledges and fosters our capability in establishing a free and thriving Balochistan. When the general public discovers that the charter is our only viable sanctuary and grasps its true necessity and meaning they will form the sinew of the entire fabric of this epoch-making transition. In this realization lies the true source of real unity. The charter will open a vista for the general masses to be informed about their democratic rights and responsibilities. Instead of being side-lined as passive spectators, it brings the masses to the centre stage of the struggle. Our true victory is only possible when the Baloch masses act as the engine and guarantor of our liberation movement.
A necessary and sufficient condition for an organic liberation movement is when the masses are conscious of their democratic rights and are free to articulate and protect these rights. It is at this stage of our liberation struggle that the impossible becomes possible. The publication of the charter is only the first stage of a conscious move towards our freedom. The charter is neither for the present nor for the future Baloch political leaders. It is for the entire Baloch nation and Baloch homeland. The outstanding fact is that after these initial reactions as Baloch people will have direct access to charter they will read it in a cool and calm manner and then they will see it in a different light. They will become more receptive. As Baloch masses discover that their rights are secured in the charter steadily an underlying current will be formed. The snow-ball momentum will continue and will reach a size that no colonial regime will be able to defeat. In the first instance the more genuine and informed Baloch political parties; intellectuals, personalities will take the initiative and come to the assistance of the charter. For the charter to develop smoothly their contributions is of paramount importance. In the next stage the charter will become the centre of gravity for the Baloch campaign against colonialism. At this stage it will be instrumental in accelerating the end of illegal occupation of our homeland. Not long after we will witness a united and viable resistance force that will carry our liberation movement to its final victory.
The chief prerequisite for the charter to remain effective, however, is to create an environment conducive for open debate and discussion. Inviting constructive criticism is a necessary part of moving the charter forward. Looking at the charter with a critical eye will remove its ambiguities. It is the public duty of each of us to step out of the ambit of individual interest and think of our collective national interests. The two may or may not always be compatible. We can with complete conviction say that there is no one else except the Baloch themselves who can get their rights and restore their well-beings. None of developed modern democratic nations are a product of outsiders. Peoples of these nations have worked tirelessly and brought their nations where they are. We must likewise rely on ourselves to succeed.
It is the recognition of this necessity, stepping outside the circumference of private vested interest and acting in the public interest, which comprises a significant segment of the cornerstone of our humanity. This postulate is compatible with the edict that we are all equal in our shared humanity. That is to say we are equally capable of breaking the chain of colonial subjugation and exploitation. We are equally entitled and able to create a free democratic and prosperous homeland where we can live with dignity and in peace. Realising these necessities will put our public duties at the top of our priorities. At this critical point in our history our national responsibilities should override our private interests. Our people and political leaders have proved time and time again that at the most crucial time in our history they stand united for our rights. At this time we have to move a step forward. A genuine and long-lasting unity is the need of our time and it is only possible if we unite on a democratic national contract. Our victory is ultimately pending on such a unity. To this end we are confident that our people and responsible political leaders will come sooner or later to the same realization. Subsequently, by common consent they will adopt the charter and move forward to achieve its objectives.
Dr Shahswar K is a Baloch political and Human Rights activist, and the co-ordinator of International Voice for Baloch Missing Persons in United Kingdom. He is a Senior Lecturer in Economics at London Metropolitan University, United Kingdom. He is the author of “Money and its Origins”